Response: Let's Broaden the Margins

Meir Azari

Six Israeli cities have streets named for Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver. Since he chose to return to Cleveland, however, rather than to stay in Israel, few in this country today know he did not have sidelocks, a beard, and a black hat.

Who remembers that, when Rabbi Silver came to Israel shortly after its establishment, he was welcomed by a crowd numbering tens of thousands? "This visit in Israel received a scope of a national holiday," writes Isaiah Vinograd in his book on Abba Hillel Silver. "It was an occasion of great value to the future of Israel's relations and communication with diaspora Jews. In the demonstration of welcome, which was the first of such magnitude in the history of the land ... the people expressed not only their personal gratitude to the man who headed our struggle in the United States and United Nations during the terrible crisis, but also the identification of the people with his political approach in the World Zionist Movement."

Today, although Rabbi Silver's legacy lives on, its association with an American Reform rabbi has been lost.

To this day, the number of rabbis from abroad who have chosen to link their futures with Israel is pathetically low. At the same time, most of those who have done so have not completely integrated into the Israeli society, thereby contributing to the impression held by many Israelis that the Reform Movement is an "imported product" rather than one "made in Israel." I do not mean to impute criticism against my colleagues, whose love and empathy for Israel I salute and cherish. I simply believe that, until they know the names of Israeli soccer players as well as they know the box scores of their favorite American baseball teams, potential congregants will continue to see them - and, by extension, Reform Judaism - as an imported phenomenon.

This avoidance ("The synagogue I don't attend is Orthodox...") is actually antithetical to the general Israeli love of everything imported - and we have the "golden arches" springing up around the country to prove it. It is from this point that I would like to take up the important question which Rabbi Stanley Ringler has raised over the Reform Movement's marginality in Israel. While I agree with much of the spirit of what he has stated, as the rabbi of a synagogue - moreover as an Israeli-born rabbi - my perspective and some of my conclusions are different. At the risk of oversimplifying, yet trusting in the knowledge of the reader, I submit that two other factors must be borne in mind when considering the stated dilemma.

First: The very problems that all of Judaism, regardless of sect, faces in Israel are, at the same time, testimony to the success of Israel as a Jewish state. Thus, instead of feeling compelled to fight for and demonstrate Jewish identity, the Israeli feels free to go to the beach on Rosh Hashana. No one has to make explanations for not being at work; it's a national holiday.

Second: The tradition of democracy is less than fifty years old in this part of the world, and true democracy exists only in Israel. Many of Israel's inhabitants never experienced democracy prior to setting foot here, but quickly come to enjoy it and accept it as their right. Yet, the manifestations of this democracy take different forms here, by dint of circumstances. For example, no Israeli will invoke his or her "right to privacy" upon being required to submit to a security check when entering a shopping mall. At the same time, this submission to circumstances and authority precludes many from realizing that they have the power to fight the establishment for what they want or think should be. It is in both of these contexts that the Reform Movement has an important "product" to offer, but something has to be done about both its packaging and marketing. Just as Israelis have become adept at producing their own versions of other successful imports, we must develop a religious movement that is appropriate to this country.

Reform Judaism in North America is directed toward addressing and offering unity to hundreds upon hundreds of congregations spread across an entire continent. Reform Judaism in Israel is directed to more than 4 million Jews living on a land mass barely equivalent to the State of New Jersey. While our underlying religious outlooks are the same, it must be recognized that the issues each of us faces are radically different. Our unique Zionist dimension forces the Israeli movement to fight the battle over "Who is a Jew?" and "What is a Jew?," among others, while our brothers and sisters in the diaspora are struggling with "Who will remain Jewish?" Thus, at the same time that we seek your support, we also seek your understanding that we face different challenges which, de facto, call for different approaches and solutions. Thanks to American support, Reform Judaism has a magnificent center in Jerusalem, with the combination of the Hebrew Union College Campus and Beit Shmuel, opposite the walls of the Old City. Thanks to the U.S. model, the Israel Religious Action Center has made important inroads in the legal sphere. As important as these are, however, limited resources (the annual budget of the entire Israeli movement being no more than one average-size U.S. congregation) have precluded the development of facilities and activities in other parts of the country.

For all our appreciation of support from the diaspora communities and for all our desire to welcome more and more enlightened immigrants from the Western world to Israel, I believe the key to bringing growth from stagnancy is by switching our focus from Jerusalem and growing the Reform movement from the grassroots level. Ultimately, this will also lead to its political enfranchisement.

I state this with confidence, because it is not simply a theory. We have proven it at Beit Daniel in four short years. With limited funds but a lot of determination and dedication, we have created a range of activities from preschool to "golden age." For all of Reform Judaism's marginality in the political/institutional sphere, we have conducted upwards of one hundred Bar/Bat Mitzvahs in 1995 alone and are solidly booked through February. In spite of the extra trouble of undergoing a civil ceremony outside of Israel, there are days when the demand for weddings at Beit Daniel can barely be accommodated. Regardless of the difficulty in achieving recognition, three classes of studies for conversion are currently underway, with instruction in Hebrew, English, and Russian. Our experience defies the assumptions that too long have been held about so-called secular, nonobservant Israelis. In fact, their situation is such that they cannot be classified in black-or-white terms. Many are actually seeking a modern Jewish experience and spiritual content to their lives, and their delight is immeasurable when they discover there is an institution that offers such opportunities.

In fact, they are so motivated by the options we offer them that they go to the expense and trouble of the extra civil ceremony in order to have a meaningful religious wedding service which reflects their values and which accords equal status to both the woman and the man. They undertake the extra effort of explaining to family and friends why they are celebrating their daughter's Bat Mitzvah with a synagogue service, instead of just holding a party, as all other ostensibly secular Israelis do. In other words, many Israelis are seeking to define themselves within the framework of the State of Israel - a definition of who they are, instead of what they are not. This is where Beit Daniel and our other congregations come in, proffering a modern, Jewish experience. And this is where each element of our name is important: The Israel Movement for Progressive Judaism.

This past year alone, Beit Daniel's small, core congregation has been joined by new members and has succeeded in raising some $100,000 through membership fees and services. They may come, initially, for the preschool or the Bar/Bat Mitzvah, but then they stay when they discover the joy of worshiping together as a family.

And the political recognition has already come, as well. In dramatic contrast with the experience of only a few years ago, when we fought a losing battle with the Tel Aviv municipality to retain control over the old Ramat Aviv synagogue, the city has now willingly and spontaneously acceded to our request for additional land. In fact, from the mayor on down, everyone is positively enthusiastic over our interest in establishing an additional community center in Jaffa, and they have allocated a prime parcel of land to us. This enthusiasm is due in no small measure to the fact that the proposed center will strive for broad pluralism in its services and activities for both Jews and Arabs.

It is precisely this type of approach - constructive rather than confrontational - that has been smoothing the way for achieving our goals. This was undoubtedly an important factor in our favor which helped achieve a truly political victory last February when the president of our congregation, Bruria Barish, became the first Reform Israeli to be elected to the Tel Aviv Religious Council.

On the one hand, this accomplishment was a direct product of ten years of trail-blazing work in the courts by the Israel Reform Movement and in recent years by the Israel Religious Action Center (IRAC). Thanks to these efforts, we all can now confidently look forward to placing members on additional religious councils around the country. On the other hand, however, the goodwill that Beit Daniel has created with the Tel Aviv mayor and city council helped us achieve a resounding victory, with even the Orthodox Shas Party representative voting in favor of Mrs. Barish's election - a vote of 24 to 1, with one Orthodox member opposed.

The totality of the political clout and near religious monopoly that the Orthodox have in this country certainly cannot be breached only by the efforts of IRAC. But, while IRAC may have been ahead of its time in some ways, it has not only contributed to the good of Reform Judaism here, but has served as a shining example of the democratic ethic in a country that is still very much in its formative stages. Though an argument can be made for IRAC's needing to be more selective, perhaps, in choosing its battles, it is a key part of Reform Judaism's "marketing" effort in this country. Having stated this, however, I must further state that I number myself among the not inconsiderable - and growing - number of people who believe that too much is being invested in political action at the expense of development at the grassroots level. Under ideal circumstances, both would be developed in parallel, but the financial resources do not exist for doing so.

The success of Beit Daniel in Tel Aviv gives testimony to the old adage about catching more flies with honey than with vinegar. By demonstrating what an asset Reform Judaism is in community life, we have attained political clout beyond anything the Israel Movement for Progressive Judaism has succeeded in acquiring in any other city. City Hall sees us as a resource - not an enemy; a partner - not a foe.

I believe, therefore, that we must put a greater effort into developing the product we are marketing: our synagogues-cum-community centers, which offer a spiritual, progressive alternative for religious content in modern life, with equal standing for all. Each must reach into its surrounding communities with action and education programs, activities, and a welcoming, pluralistic attitude, to make available the modern Jewish experience which the Israeli seeks.

Surely, as we steadily nibble away at the margins, we will work our way into the mainstream. At the very least, we can broaden the margins.

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Copyright © 1996, Central Conference of American Rabbis
Most recent update 20 May 1996